White Flight and the Internet

Facebook, likewise, is imposing the right limits—it’s almost New Victorian in that regard. It is a connection engine that successfully mirrors how most of us want to live our lives. (Most people live in suburbs for a reason.) If the overall trend on the Internet is the individual user’s loss of control as corporations make money off information you unwittingly provide, Facebook is offering a way to get some of that control back. In Facebook’s vision of the Web, you, the user, are in control of your persona.

“About Facebook”, Michael Hirschorn, theAtlantic.com, October 2007

Parallel transportation networks—evolving out of the time-share aircraft companies such as Warren Buffett’s NetJets—will cater to this group, leapfrogging its members from one secure, well-appointed lily pad to the next.” That elite world is already largely in place, but Robb predicts that the middle class will soon follow suit, “forming suburban collectives to share the costs of security.” These “‘armored suburbs’ will deploy and maintain backup generators and communications links” and be patrolled by private militias “that have received corporate training and boast their own state-of-the-art emergency response systems.”

“Disaster Capitalism: The new economy of catastrophe”
Naomi Klein, Harpers Magazine, September 8, 2007 (There’s no public text but the link to Naomi Klein’s website is here.)

After reading these two pieces I was struck by an odd parallel. There has already been some controversy about trying to understand how social networking sites are reproducing class patterns. And, of course, there has been a lot of controversy about Net Neutrality, although that seems to have died down. Social networking has also been criticized for the superficiality of its connections.

What strikes me is that Hirschorn may be talking about the Internet version of the social process described in such frightening detail by Klein. Klein’s argument is that the very same ideological bias towards privatization has shaped both the Iraq War and the ongoing response to Katrina.

That seems obvious, if you have been reading about the contracts the Bush administration awarded a variety of companies in both places. “Shaw, Bechtel, CH2M Hill—all top contractors in Iraq—were handed contracts on the Gulf Coast to provide mobile homes to evacuees just ten days after the levees broke.” Klein notes, “Their contracts ended up totaling $3.4 billion, no open bidding required.” That”s just the tip of the melting iceberg.

Less obvious is the shopping cart full of privatization projects Klein details, from privatized “contract cities” outside of Atlanta to Blackwater’s growing mercenary army. Strangely enough, the same private firms guarding diplomats in Baghdad are now guarding wealthy suburbs in New Orleans. If Klein’s piece doesn’t make the hairs go up on your arm something is seriously wrong.

I am fairly certain that Hirschorn is not suggesting that Internet access be divided along class lines. (Klein reminds us that this has already happened in our medical system.) On the other hand, many have suggested recently that this sort of system– the more money you have the better your access– is inevitable. Indeed, it is already true, given the price difference between broad band and dial up. But Hirschorn’s piece hints that the very same racial and class impulses that created the suburb may well be finding expression in Facebook. Is this the start of white flight on the Internet?

Labor Takes a Seat in the Classroom

The resources to teach students about America’s storied labor history are there. It’s up to educators to connect young people to a story that could have a lasting impact. “You want the people who read history, young people or people of any age, to recognize their own power and to recognize themselves in history,” says [Howard] Zinn. “After all, most of the people who are going to be reading and studying history are not going to be business executives. They are going to be working for a living.”

Labor Takes a Seat in the Classroom
By Adam Doster

When I taught in a ‘brick and mortar’ classroom I was alway searching for ways to teach my students to ‘see’ class. (I have included a few of these assignments in the ‘Teaching Materials’ section of this site.) I would get them to use the American Fact Finder, for example, to create an economic history of their families and the communities in which they lived.

I would also get them to interview their parents and grandparents about education and work. At least in the short term, I think many did start to see the patterns of class mobility and stasis over the course of the last twenty or thirty years. Almost every semester a student would tell me that he or she saw their family’s history in an entirely new light.

Introducing Labor history into the classroom is another, perhaps less individualistic, way to teach class awareness. Doster offers several other examples of how we can put labor back into circulation as an important part of our heritage. There’s now an “American Labor Merit Badge,” for example. The Boy Scouts have a wiki, MeritBadge.org, where you can find a description of the requirements.

Doster also mentions, “Hardball and Handshakes,” a set of classroom activities that explore the reasons behind unions in professional sports. That can be found on the American Labor Studies Center website, along with information about Women and Labor, and a special section on Cesar Chavez and the United Farm Workers. among other things. The ALSC is in Troy, New York.

Good News for Labor Unions

Anna Burger, chair of Change to Win, sees the labor movement in the happy if confusing position of picking among candidates who all see that “unions are the solution, not the problem.” Karen Ackerman, the political director of the AFL-CIO, sees labor’s opening as arising from “a new environment … coming off the Reagan years and the Bush years and a ‘you’re on your own’ trickle-down philosophy.”

Thus the paradox on Labor Day 2007: At a moment of organizational weakness, labor’s political influence and ideological appeal may be as strong as at any time since the New Deal. Every Democrat running for president seems to know this.

E.J. Dionne Jr.: A new dawn for labor

The EFCA [Employee Free Choice Act] would restore some meaning to the right to organize. The bill that has been passed by the House by is currently being blocked by a Republican filibuster in the Senate. While the EFCA is not likely to become law under this Congress (President Bush would almost certainly veto the bill even if it did pass), progressives should recognize the importance of legislation. The right to organize is not the concern of just a small special interest group; it is a basic right that should concern us all. In the same vein, all progressives have an interest in seeing a strong labor movement. For this reason, the EFCA and other measures that level the playing field between labor and management should be top items on the progressive agenda.

The Right to Unionize: Key to Democracy By Dean Baker

There’s always a gaggle of articles about unions just before, on, and then after Labor Day, for obvious reasons. So I have spent the last week reading some of them and I am happy to report that there may well be good news. Dionne makes the very good point that most new union members are in the public sector, which is for obvious reason tied closely to electoral politics.

In fact, while overall union membership has reached an all time low of just 7.4%, according to Baker, unionization in the public sector is up to 36%. Dionne makes the point that these public sector unions are well-organized and that they have so successfully made the case for reform that all of the current democratic candidates support legal changes (to one degree or another) that would make organizing easier.

Baker makes the case for the EFCA, for example, which would make it much easier to create unions. In fact, he estimates that if the polls are correct a simpler unionization process could quickly add more than 30 million union members. Baker also shows how so-called liberal trade drove primary manufacturing overseas, helping to undermine unions while creating a $700 billion trade deficit.

Baker also emphasizes that unionization is good for the economy as a whole. “In an industry with a strong union presence,” Baker writes, “non-union firms know they must maintain comparable wages and benefits if they are want to keep their workers from joining a union.” While it seems unlikely that the Bush administration would allow the EFCA into law, if the next administration is Democratic, which seems likely, it will be high on their agenda. Even before the elections, there are signs that labor unions’ long misfortunes are beginning to turn around.

Change to Win, for example, has been celebrating a recent Executive Order signed by Governor Eliot Spitzer of New York that will create a commission to try to address the “misclassification” of workers as independent contractors in order to avoid social security taxes and workers compensation insurance, among other things. It’s just a start, but maybe the wind is shifting in our favor.