Inconvenient Truths

Three decades ago, non-college white men were solidly Democratic. Many of them were unionized. They had jobs that delivered good middle-class incomes.

But over the last three decades they stopped believing the Democratic Party could deliver good jobs at decent wages.

Republicans have done no better for them on the wages — in fact many policies touted by the GOP, such as its attack on unions, have accelerated the downward wage trend.

But Republicans have offered white non-college males the scapegoats of racism and immigration — blaming, directly or indirectly, blacks and Latinos — and the solace of right-wing evangelical Christianity. Absent any bold leadership from Democrats, these have been enough.

More Jobs, Lousy Wages, and the Desertion of Non-College White Men From the Democratic Party,” Robert Reich

I know a lot of these white men, without college, in low-paying jobs. My family is full of them and, thanks to Facebook, I am in touch with many of my childhood friends, most of whom didn’t go to college. I’d make Reich’s story a little more complicated. We were raised in Texas, where there are few unions. Texas, though, is on the bleeding edge of racial relationships in every direction. In some ways geography is destiny.

There’s the obvious tensions along the Mexican border. Or, rather, two borders; the political border, along the Rio Grande, doesn’t match the cultural border, which cuts across the lower third of Texas. Texas isn’t just Western, or Southwestern, though, it’s also Southern, and so divided by Black and White as well. So in Texas it is easy to imagine the ways that the right has used race to divide the working class against itself.

Most of my friends back in Texas didn’t abandon the Democratic party, though; they never entered it in the first place. Somehow, as they grew up, they grew into reactionary politics, despite the fact that we were all nascent liberals in Junior High and High School. At some moment, or over the course of time, perhaps in the 1980’s, something switched. I honestly don’t know how the right and its narrow-mindedness came to seem so appealing.

I suspect that a big part of it has to do with a kind of resentment of professionals and technocratic, scientific culture. Obama isn’t just hated because he’s Black, he’s hated because he’s so well-educated. The enemy is the professor as much as the community organizer, those know it all overpaid egg-heads. The Democratic party represents a meritocratic ideal that’s only half real at best. Hard work often doesn’t pay. People resent that lie.

The Beginning of the Beginning of the End

Today, more than 70 percent of all faculty members responsible for instruction at not-for-profit institutions serve in non-tenure-track (NTT) positions. The numbers are startling, but numbers alone do not capture the essence of this problem. Many of our colleagues among this growing category of non-tenure-track faculty experience poor working conditions and a lack of support. Not only is it difficult for them to provide for themselves and their families, but their working conditions also interfere with their ability to offer the best educational experience for their students.

A New Faculty Path,” Adrianna Kezar, Susan Albertine and Dan Maxey

I’d like to say that this ongoing research project, housed at the University of Southern California’s Pullias Center for Higher Education, and dubbed, “The Changing Faculty and Student Success,” is very good news. After all, the project is founded on the recognition of the basic problem in higher education, which isn’t for-profits or new communication technologies, but the end of tenure and the loss of most full-time teaching positions.

It is good news insofar as it might signal at least the beginning of the beginning of the end. It also lays the groundwork for what might happen once the U.S. economy emerges out the recession. It could be a while before economic growth allows universities to have realistic budgets, bu there are some signs that full-time teachers could become a selling point in the emerging post for profits market. This might nudge that process in the right direction.

I hesitate only because the article, and the research project, is so chock-full of corporate speak or corporate-academic speak. I’ve gotten too many emails about my “customers” (my students) to be very comfortable with a rhetoric of “stakeholders” and “student success” and the like. The problem, of course, is that real change will involve as much conflict as consensus and a university should be about faculty and staff as much as students.

Patriotism

Thinking men and women the world over are beginning to realize that patriotism is too narrow and limited a conception to meet the necessities of our time. The centralization of power has brought into being an international feeling of solidarity among the oppressed nations of the world; a solidarity which represents a greater harmony of interests between the workingman of America and his brothers abroad than between the American miner and his exploiting compatriot; a solidarity which fears not foreign invasion, because it is bringing all the workers to the point when they will say to their masters, “Go and do your own killing. We have done it long enough for you.”

Emma Goldman, “What Is Patriotism?” (1909)

A real patriot is the fellow who gets a parking ticket and rejoices that the system works.

Bill Vaughan. “Brainy Quotes

Patriotism is a tricky subject for the left in our age of far-right nuttiness.  I don’t think any of us would deny that we find patriotism– or perhaps we mean nationalism–a horrific and far too often rigid and violent set of notions and beliefs.  Yet criticism of patriotism can easily fall into Tea Party clichés about the evils of the Federal Government. We want to sound like Emma Goldman but we end up echoing Timothy McVeigh. That’s why I like the Bill Vaughan quote.

I lived overseas  long enough to feel the pull of being an expatriate but I came back to the United States because I love my culture and language and family. I might have felt differently if I had been better at learning another language and at internalizing another culture.  I do feel a certain love of country, though, with all of its contradictions, but its borders are ill-defined and porous. My country blurs into Canada and Mexico and across oceans.

The U.S. isn’t the best country in the world. I doubt we ever were. It’s getting worse, too, as we grow more sharply divided between rich and poor and as we continue to neglect the institutions and values– especially higher education and a national health care system– that would make us more developed as a people and more just.  We have a tendency to listen to charlatans, from Pet Rock salespeople to Sarah Palin.  That patriotism should be ignored.

Pearls Before Swine

I’ve argued at book length that we did want to and still should– that mass creativity is a social and economic good that founded the post-war American middle class and its gradual pushing back of the walls of poverty, exclusion, discrimination, unhappiness and non-fulfillment. Reducing material suffering and increasing happiness were two sides of the same coin. We all still say we believe in both. The sole means of a broad increase in happiness is mass creativity–the general development of society as a great leap beyond the lavish development of a small elite.

Chris Newfield, “Quality Public Higher Ed: From Udacity to Theory Y

I’ve had more than one argument with various members of my very large extended family over some political issue or the other. In the end– or, rather, at bottom, because these arguments have no real end– it always boils down to something seemingly simple. They don’t believe in democratic government; in fact, I don’t think they– or most American conservatives– believe in democracy at all. Or, rather, they don’t see the purpose of democratic government.

They aren’t fascists or authoritarians, although I think those are strong tendencies in the Tea Party movement. The loss of democratic understanding creates a vacuum and creepy things rush in. Most of the American right, though, serves our national oligarchy via libertarian and not authoritarian ideas. (The exception seems to be the so-called cultural issues, such as gay marriage and women’s rights, reproductive and otherwise.)

I think my relatives don’t believe in democracy in the larger sense: they see no link between the greater good and any government policy beyond the military. Events in Wisconsin suggest that this disconnect extends even to police, firefighters, and public school teachers.  Newfield suggests, in effect, that this is because they don’t  believe in themselves.  It’s what he calls the X theory,  “the assumption of the mediocrity of the masses.”

Political conservatives, Newfield argues, don’t believe that people can be educated in any meaningful way; the human norm is a kind of dull stupidity. (I can certainly sympathize with that feeling.) When push comes to shove the idea of promoting education has little appeal. It’s tossing pearls after swine.  In more official and no doubt more cynical conservative quarters Newfield is surely right.

I don’t think that my relatives or conservatives more generally don’t believe in human potential, though. I think that they no longer believe that there is any link between  the cultivation of human potential and democracy. This isn’t natural human cynicism or caution. We don’t have a theory of democracy anymore because the Reagan revolution– a decades  long anti-government advertising campaign– has been so successful.