Nixon’s Revenge

When we were kids in Texas, and we went to Mexico and ate something that we should not have eaten, we called the resulting diarrhea Montezuma’s revenge (people still do, of course). It has that authentic American racist feel to it, and it’s more than a little unfair to complain so cavalierly about a problem like dysentery, which is one of the scourges of poverty everywhere. Yet is also has a pointed irony, as if we recognized a kind of karma in genocide and colonialism.

The ongoing budget battles in the U.S., summarized in “State Lawmakers Seek More Say Over Colleges,” aren’t genocide, of course, but they do represent a kind of unfortunate political karma. Let’s call it Nixon’s revenge. Somehow– that somehow suggests an as yet undecipherable history– a portion of the U.S. electorate has become convinced that the only way to balance budgets is to make cuts. Since we spend so much on education, that means we have to cut there.

Yet if by “we” we mean the American people as represented by polls, then “we” don’t want these cuts. Arguably, they are in fact unnecessary, even in the most practical sense. If the “we” is the “we” that voted for the far right, though, then that “we” has given our body politic a bad case of political dysentery. Literally, a long dialog about nothing; discursive excrement. It’s Nixon’s revenge against the now grown up college kids who hated him so much.

We are being sold a bill of goods about education, to use the cliche, and we are buying it, in the same way that we were sold a bill of goods in Nixon’s “moral majority.” Or, in fact, in the same way that we have been sold things like the “pet rock.” I also don’t think it is historically inaccurate to say that only the much too tenuous power of people organized in unions is going to prevent some sort of final right wing solution to the “problem” of education.

Education in a Conservative Age

It’s an open debate about the relatively liberality of the U.S. citizenry, although it’s become almost a cliche that the media sees us as a center-right culture when most surveys would probably define us as center-left. We’ve always has a very dramatic conservative cadre, and the progressives are probably a little too Gandhian and bookish to sell much soap.

Especially in recent years, then, with all of their talk of guns and violence and the caliphate— backed by policies that encourage and spread gun ownership if not violence– the right has had a high profile. It can be difficult to recall, amidst all of this sturm ang drang, just how much damage the conservative movement has really done, especially since Reagan. We’ve not reached the end of it, either.

Among all the talk of Reagan’s 100th birthday, I was surprised to see so little written about the legacy of his corrosive impact on education: the attack on organized labor; the attack on public funding; the shifting of costs from the collective to the individual. We get paid less than we should; our schools are broke; when we finish college we are more in debt than ever before.

It seems to harder and harder to even imagine something different. All of these things existed before Reagan and the modern conservative movement, of course, but his great legacy is that he made anti-democratic, small-minded ideas about education seem necessary if not heroic. This transmogrification has reached full fruition in the so-called Tea party’s call for “smaller government.”

The Revolution Will Not Be Tweeted

Academics– and perhaps writers in general– tend to take the old bromide of the pen being mightier than the sword a little too literally. It’s as much of an aspiration as a truism, especially in the short term. Academics interested in writing and new communication technologies tend to overstated the already overstated. The revolution won’t happen online.

Texts are just not that powerful; at least, not yet. And the most communication technologies can do is facilitate communication. It’s a kind of power, but it’s also a very limited kind of power. As events in Egypt have shown, if the need is great, and enough people willing, there will be a revolution, however messy and complicated the results. Il ya un extérieur du texte.

I wish people in my field would take this lesson more to heart. Too often, I think, academics in general believe that the most important way they can exert the power that comes from their privileged status is to write books and teach. This belief is only reinforced by the new communications folks’ routine hyperbole. Academia won’t be fixed by Facebook, either. It takes organizing.

Slow Education

I wrote recently about what I call ‘slow learning’ on the analogy of slow food. My idea is simple: the writing process is a more educationally nutritious alternative to the standardized test. Metaphors can only be pushed so far, but I think this one holds up well. Fast food, like the standardized test, is, among other things, a mechanized response to the perceived problems of mas society.

We don’t think in industrial terms much anymore, but the standardized test and the fast food restaurant are iterations of the assembly line. These technologies are obsolete. Workers don’t need to spend their days doing the same repetitive task hour after hour; civilization won’t end if we slow down– in several senses– and enjoy well-cooked healthy meals.

I just read a piece in which a photographer made a similar argument for slow photography and it got me thinking about how these ides might apply to online learning. The “fast education” norm would seem to suggest that we have to follow the latest technologies, as quickly as possible, in order to meet our students expectations and, perhaps, cognitive styles.

In online education, this means moving from largely text based systems such as I use now to systems that rely heavily on graphics, including both moving and still images. I wonder if we might, instead, argue that for a writing class a slow education, rooted in texts rather than images, and perhaps a little philosophically resistant to change, makes more sense.