Big Soildier on Campus

Harvard’s new president, Drew Faust, gave her inaugural address last Friday–and was accompanied during the closing recessional by none other than seven members of Harvard’s ROTC corps. The flag-bearing color guard included students from Harvard’s Army, Navy, Air Force, and Marine squads, and bears tremendous symbolic significance.

Harvard has not hosted an on-campus ROTC program since 1969, when anti-Vietnam fervor resulted in the program being banned. Since then, Harvard cadets have commuted to MIT to train–and since the mid-90s, when the faculty voted to protest “don’t ask, don’t tell” by withdrawing financial support for ROTC, Harvard has not paid the annual fee required to maintain its cadets in MIT’s program. Now anonymous alumni pay the six-figure dues that enable Harvard undergraduates to combine their studies with preparation for national service.

Anthony Paletta, American Council of Trustees and Alumni Online

If you don’t think Bush is planning on bombing Iran, well, then, you’re not paying attention. First, Bush put Iran’s Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps on the terrorism list. Then, on August 28 at the American Legion convention, Bush blew his bellicose bugle.

Calling Iran “the world’s leading state sponsor of terrorism,” he enumerated a list of troubles Tehran is making, from funding Hezbollah and Hamas to “sending arms to the Taliban in Afghanistan.” The latter is an odd one, since Secretary of Defense Robert Gates and Afghan President Hamid Karzai are on record denying that there is evidence that the Iranian government is involved in this.

Matthew Rothschild October 2007 Progressive

It’s hard to know what to add to this pairing. On the one hand, the U.S. is increasingly a militarized society. The elite professors and students at Harvard, of course, aren’t likely to serve in any future war, except as officers and government officials. Still, not having the ROTC at Harvard was a small victory for common sense, now being reversed.

And more specifically frightening is the ongoing calls for war, seemingly against anyone but preferably in the Middle East. Watching bits and pieces of the Republican debate last night was deeply disconcerting, with each candidate seeming to want to out do the other in adolescent macho posturing about various enemies that had to be shown what was what and who was who.

The one voice of sanity and good old fashioned conservative pigheadedness seemed to be Ron Paul, who sounded like an isolationist from just before the First World War. They had absolutely no idea what to do with him or how to respond to his scathing criticism of his party’s wildly violent overseas adventures and profligate spending habits. We are in real trouble when the wacky right wing libertarian sounds like the sensible alternative.

Moral Hazzard, Education, and Health Care

According to our collective mythology about schools as the great equalizing force in American society, we want — or say we want — public schools to make a difference. But the reality on the ground often makes a mockery of that ideal. In recent years, public schools have been infected by a system of hidden privileges offered to affluent and politically powerful upper-middle class families and their children — a system that flatly contradicts politicians’ lofty goals of reducing the achievement gaps.

Schools reward privilege in many subtle ways that go mostly unnoticed because the mechanisms are the very fabric of the modern American education system.

Peter Sacks, in the Huffington Post, October 4, 2007

As bell hooks famously noted, class in rarely talked about in the United States, especially in terms of our education system. Sacks is a remarkable exception. Talking about race, especially white privilege, isn’t exactly welcomed either.

I think class and education is even more difficult to discuss when it comes up against our American sentimentality about young children. What parent would go to their child’s elementary school and demand that the privileges afforded Advanced Placement students be made available to all? Who wants to know the messy financial details of our kid’s classmates’ families?

At the heart of the “fabric of the modern American education system” lies the ideals of merit and, at bottom, a kind of Social Darwinism. That’s the iron fist beneath the velvet glove of a privileged childhood. Bush and the Republican Cabal, for example, cannot stomach the idea that more children would be guaranteed health care through a government program. In his view, socialized medicine represents a kind of moral hazard.

What outlandish medical risks would these kids take if they knew that no matter what they did their health care costs would be covered? Obviously, they need the discipline of the market to keep them safe. In school, too, those kids who do the best on the tests get the smaller classes and the most challenging curriculum. What could be more natural?

Property Rights

Late last week, two Republican representatives — Rep. Ric Keller, of Florida, and Rep. Howard P. (Buck) McKeon, of California — introduced their own proposal intended to combat music and movie piracy on campus computer networks. The measure is very similar to the Senate proposal, made in July by Sen. Harry M. Reid, a Nevada Democrat and Senate majority leader, as an amendment to the renewal of the Higher Education Act.

Like Mr. Reid’s amendment, the House proposal calls on the U.S. secretary of education to identify the 25 institutions that received the most notices identifying cases of copyright infringement of both music and movies. The colleges appearing on those lists would then be required to devise “a plan for implementing a technology-based deterrent” to illegal file swapping.

Brock Read, Posted on Monday October 8, 2007, Chronicle of Higher Education

Property, to use the traditional critical term, is reified. That is, we tend to think of it as fixed and self-evident and as natural as sunshine. In fact, our particular notions of property are the product of a long history of debate and struggle and even violence.

Roughly speaking, as Marx emphasized, this process began its modern phase with the fights over the commonsin Great Britain more than four hundred years ago. We seem to witnessing a similar shift in our understanding of property due largely to the Internet.

There’s the fight over music sharing, on the one hand, and the attempt by some bands, including Prince, Radio Head, and Nine Inch Nails, to develop new forms of distribution and income outside of the traditional corporate realm. This will surely poor more solvent on those older models of property and copy right.

Those who benefited most from the traditional forms of property– including some rock bands– tend to be most adamant about trying to reestablish its prominence. Thus the law described above, more than 25,000 law suites, and the fate of Jamie Thomas, a single-mom fined more than $200,000 for file sharing.

Bit-torrent has rendered all of this silly, of course, more of a last ditch bit of theater than a successful reinforcement of property rights. In academia the emerging forms of property have already created havoc in traditional models of citation, which were rooted in bourgeois notions of authorship and individualism.

A book has an author or perhaps multiple authors, but what about a corporate web site? They’ve made heroic efforts to adapt, but I don’t think any of the major academic formats (APA, MLA) have fully come to terms with what has happened.

Along side all of this is an even more profound battle over traditional notions of ownership and property in science and academic knowledge. In academia, MIT bucked the proprietary trend by creating an open library of its courses, for example, called Open Course Ware.

Other schools, including Carnegie Melon, quickly followed their lead. Arguably, the Open Course Ware movement takes it cue from another challenge to traditional forms of property, the Open Source Movement.

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Health Care and the Myth of the Market

Ultimately, Barack Obama wants to cut spending and re-invest it back into America. That idea is exactly what I am looking for in a presidential candidate. However, you must be aware that his definition of investing in America involves a lot of government programs, and government programs have a historical track-record of being fabulously inefficient.

Obama’s ideas on trimming the fat on pork-barrel politics are visionary. I find myself agreeing with him on a good majority of issues, and as far as the democratic candidates go he understands the principles of our free market economy as well or better than any of them. But there are always trade-offs. The financially savvy voter would want to see any cut in spending come with a corresponding decrease in taxes so that you could have more control over your financial future. And when you are voting for Barack Obama, you are voting for political and social change at the expense of your personal ability to accumulate wealth.

from Richer Than Your Dad, October 1

I was fascinated to hear Bush (and his Republican machine) claim that the recent attempt to expand health care for children was an attempt to “Federalize” the Health Care system. I was surprised only because usually they argue against ‘socialized’ medicine. Here, though, I suspect they were using one of those Southern right wing code words to suggest that the Democrats are attempting to take away so-called Sates rights.

It was particularly interesting that he did thus in a period that included the Jenna demonstrations and the anniversary of the integration of Central High School in Little Rock. Is it possible that somewhere back there in the shadows lies Bush’s Brain, dreaming that National Health Care can be defeated by associating it with the over-reaching, intrusive Federal government that forced the South to end Jim Crow.

It sounds more far-fetched than it is. I found the above assessment of Barak Obama, right leaning but more or less fair-minded, laced with myths about the market and the government. It seems almost shocking to hear someone claim that the market has done a good job with Health Care. Still, the market, as many have argued, is at bottom a kind of religious belief.

If you have faith in god and you believe god is good, then nothing can every convince you otherwise. Similarly, if you have faith in the market and you believe that the market is efficient, then nothing can ever convince you otherwise, even the holy mess that is our system of financing health care. The idea that the government is always less efficient is an equally strong and perennial myth.

In fact, studies have shown again and again that government health care systems spend less on administrative costs– think of those giant CEO salaries, as a start– than the private sector. A study summarized in the New England Journal of Medicine a few years ago, for example, noted that “administration accounted for 31.0 percent of health care expenditures in the United States and 16.7 percent of health care expenditures in Canada.”

There are dozens of good reasons why a single-payer plan would, to use the langauge of Richer Than Your Dad, help all of us in our pursuit of happiness and prosperity. One reason that wages are depressed, for example, may be that workers are afraid of taking a chance on a new job because it means loosing health care. We need a federalized, socialized system, like Canada.