What is the Story of Stuff?

From its extraction through sale, use and disposal, all the stuff in our lives affects communities at home and abroad, yet most of this is hidden from view. The Story of Stuff is a 20-minute, fast-paced, fact-filled look at the underside of our production and consumption patterns. The Story of Stuff exposes the connections between a huge number of environmental and social issues, and calls us together to create a more sustainable and just world. It’ll teach you something, it’ll make you laugh, and it just may change the way you look at all the stuff in your life forever.

by The Story of Stuff with Annie Leonard

It often feels a little bit like a well done geography film, but that may just be because it is not pitched to my demographic. In any case, it’s an effective way to speak ‘consumer to consumer’ about the production processes of U.S. capitalism. I particularly like the way the site and video is organized around the ‘material economy’: Extraction, Production, Distribution, Consumption, and Disposal.

The problem, as always, is that consumption cannot fix consumption. You can counter capitalist marketing with green marketing but the effect is necessarily limited. In the end, you have to reconsider property. If your cell phone ends up in the dump, pouring toxic chemicals into the soil and then eventually the water, that’s not your problem, it’s everyone’s problem. There’s nothing private in that sort of property.

The limits of the approach are clearest when it comes to the list of organizations included on both the resources page and the “Another Way” call to action. The resources list is remarkable mostly becuase it’s easy to forget how many advocate groups exist. It’s an interesting exercise, too, to group them according to the ‘material economy.’ model. Groups working to protect the Amazon are under extraction, for example; groups working on foods issues under consumption.

What’s missing, of course, is a direct critical challenge to assumptions about property. A different idea of property, for example, might demand cradle to grave responsibility for certain particularly hazardous products. A car, for example, is full of all sorts of materials that should never be allowed in the dump. There are also no unions on the list, and no challenge to the work day, which is, after all, the very heart of the consumer economy.

Why We Fight

The Writers Guild of America strike ought to be an opportunity for unionists to educate the public about the need to get organized. This video does a great job of setting out their case while illustrating the struggles that all unions go through, particularly when it comes to concessions. It also offers an object lesson about what can be won through collective bargaining.

The WGA’s claims are reasonable, but no doubt the ‘entertainment industry’ will try to break the union. “We are not currently at the bargaining table,” Patric Verrone, President of WGA West, wrote on Wednesday, “and people want to know when we will return.” The WGA has offered a ” comprehensive package” and is now waiting to hear back from the companies. “When they indicate that they are ready to do so, we will return to the bargaining table as soon as possible,” Verrone says. You can follow their progress at the WGA West website.

Love Me, Love Me, I’m A Liberal

Once I was young and impulsive
I wore every conceivable pin
Even went to the socialist meetings
Learned all the old union hymns
But I’ve grown older and wiser
And that’s why I’m turning you in
So love me, love me, love me, I’m a liberal

Love Me, I’m a Liberal, Phil Ochs

The liberal establishment is worried that the more sophisticated classbased voting rooted in economic awareness they see growing in Latin America after three decades of a disastrous neoliberalism may be heading north. Robert Rubin, Clinton’s first secretary of the treasury and his successor Larry Summers have spearheaded the Hamilton Project at the Brookings Institution focusing on what they see as the paradox of wage stagnation in a period of robust growth in the productivity of the U.S. workforce. They are worried that growing inequality and wage stagnation will lead to radicalization. The idea is to come up with a program to preempt discussion of more radical proposals and the self-organization of grassroots movements in opposition to business as usual. Modest improvements through spending on education, training, and infrastructure will not be enough to address rising income and wealth inequalities and the deteriorating status of American workers. Nevertheless, establishment liberals hope that frustrations can be cooled by these means.

Wage Stagnation, Growing Insecurity, and the Future of the U.S. Working Class by William K. Tabb

In one sense this is a simple set of issues. Wages are rising very slowly while productivity is increasing at a relatively rapid clip. This means that there’s an increasing disparity in wealth, a process well documented by economists like Emanuel Saez and Edward Wolffe.

What gets more complicated is what you think is or should be done about it, especially when it comes to the upcoming election, which represents a remarkable opportunity for regime change in the U.S. Tab sets out what might be called a kind of old-leftist party line: as Phil Ochs reminded us, the liberals by definition cannot be trusted to do much more than protect the system.

Kucinich may be more of a progressive than a liberal, but so far our only practical choices are mainstream liberals. So we are faced with the same basic dilemma. Do we vote for Clinton, Obama, or Richards knowing that we are only voting for stop-gap measures at best? None have come out in favor of a single payer health care plan, for example, which means the problems in health care could only grow worse a little less fast in their administrations.

Or do we put our vote into the long term plans of alternative parties, especially the Greens, who have some chance of getting to a position of influence nationally, perhaps especially now that Al Gore has won the Nobel Prize. Or perhaps we should vote for Edwards, who at least seems willing to acknowledge that the growing income disparity problem must be addressed?

“Under Clinton,” Tab writes, “and in the economics advanced by Gore and Kerry, it is clear that the Democrats accepted and encouraged corporate globalization and lacked enthusiasm to defend working-class interests.” Tab concludes by noting that “There remains a basic disconnect between what Americans think is important and what politicians in thrall to the well-to-do are willing to consider.”

At this point, though, it is hard to imagine a scenario in which any of the leading candidates changes their positions. And I doubt a new candidate is likely to come out of nowhere. So I can’t help but wonder if the real question is which liberal policy might have the most bang for the buck in terms of helping the rest of us get organized. Reform of the laws around organizing unions seem the obvious candidate.

The Academy on Capitalism and Limited Government Fund

The 1940 Statement of Principles on Academic Freedom and Tenure affirms that “teachers are entitled to freedom in the classroom in discussing their subject.” This affirmation was meant to codify understandings of academic freedom commonly accepted in 1940. In recent years these understandings have become controversial. Private groups have sought to regulate classroom instruction, advocating the adoption of statutes that would prohibit teachers from challenging deeply held student beliefs or that would require professors to maintain “diversity” or “balance” in their teaching. Committee A has established this subcommittee to assess arguments made in support of recent legislative efforts in this area.

Freedom in the Classroom (2007), AAUP

Free market capitalism, limited government, individual rights, individual responsibility, enterprise and entrepreneurship are the foundation of a productive and successful American society. To promote and advance scholarly research and teaching about these vital principles, gifts from donors have established an endowment within the University of Illinois Foundation—The Academy on Capitalism and Limited Government Fund. The Fund is overseen by the Academy Fund’s board of directors and it will provide grants for programs, research and activities on the Urbana-Champaign campus in response to proposals submitted by faculty and approved by the Chancellor’s office.

The Academy on Capitalism and Limited Government Fund

Steven Forbes and Robert Novak are in the neighborhood this week, helping to launch The The Academy on Capitalism and Limited Government Fund’s inaugural conference. As the IlliniPundit would have it, “this is just the beginning of a growing effort to bring more conservative thought to the University of Illinois campus.” I think calling a large research university like the U. of I. ‘liberal’ because it hires a few high-profile critics is like calling the Bank of America ‘generous’ because it sponsors the local cancer drive.

Indeed, as the first comment notes, “I thought we already had such an academy at UIUC. It’s called the School of Business.” Or the Economics department, or… The comment writers then launch a lively but altogether irrelevant discussion of the general education requirements. What’s so unhelpful is that the writers seem unaware of the simple fact that the courses are meant to create a conversation with society at large, not to “represent” each point of view “equally.”

We live, for example, in a culture dominated by white, materially privileged men. No one needs to speak for them; they own most of the microphones. But a good education tries, at least, to offer other voices. Thus the required course in Minority Studies. That’s also why the AAUP is not interested in the specifics. Obviously, if you simply repeat the implicit arguments of the culture around you– capitalism is good, government should be limited– the powers that be will not be upset. If you want to hear that point of view you can turn on the TV.

What I find interesting, though, is the way the Academy (or its founders) seems to have been fooled into believing the bloated self-image of a small number of academic stars. If they spent a little time among the so-called liberal professors they would find that very few are anti-capitalism in any substantive sense. They are more like rich rock star paid to perform their “criticism” and then go home to their expensive cars and big houses. There just are not very many Bonos out there. (Just ask the Graduate Employees Organization.