Education in a Conservative Age

It’s an open debate about the relatively liberality of the U.S. citizenry, although it’s become almost a cliche that the media sees us as a center-right culture when most surveys would probably define us as center-left. We’ve always has a very dramatic conservative cadre, and the progressives are probably a little too Gandhian and bookish to sell much soap.

Especially in recent years, then, with all of their talk of guns and violence and the caliphate— backed by policies that encourage and spread gun ownership if not violence– the right has had a high profile. It can be difficult to recall, amidst all of this sturm ang drang, just how much damage the conservative movement has really done, especially since Reagan. We’ve not reached the end of it, either.

Among all the talk of Reagan’s 100th birthday, I was surprised to see so little written about the legacy of his corrosive impact on education: the attack on organized labor; the attack on public funding; the shifting of costs from the collective to the individual. We get paid less than we should; our schools are broke; when we finish college we are more in debt than ever before.

It seems to harder and harder to even imagine something different. All of these things existed before Reagan and the modern conservative movement, of course, but his great legacy is that he made anti-democratic, small-minded ideas about education seem necessary if not heroic. This transmogrification has reached full fruition in the so-called Tea party’s call for “smaller government.”

The Revolution Will Not Be Tweeted

Academics– and perhaps writers in general– tend to take the old bromide of the pen being mightier than the sword a little too literally. It’s as much of an aspiration as a truism, especially in the short term. Academics interested in writing and new communication technologies tend to overstated the already overstated. The revolution won’t happen online.

Texts are just not that powerful; at least, not yet. And the most communication technologies can do is facilitate communication. It’s a kind of power, but it’s also a very limited kind of power. As events in Egypt have shown, if the need is great, and enough people willing, there will be a revolution, however messy and complicated the results. Il ya un extérieur du texte.

I wish people in my field would take this lesson more to heart. Too often, I think, academics in general believe that the most important way they can exert the power that comes from their privileged status is to write books and teach. This belief is only reinforced by the new communications folks’ routine hyperbole. Academia won’t be fixed by Facebook, either. It takes organizing.

Property is Theft, Come on In

It’s (more or less) commonly accepted that our current education system– with the exception of the agrarian summer break– grew directly out of individualism, modern industrialization and the mass market. From text-books and scholarly journals to classrooms to standardized tests, private property, the factory, and mass production was the model, implicit or otherwise.

Piece by piece new communication technologies and shifts in our expectations about education have chipped away at the industrial model, replacing moribund individualism with a robust collectivism. We’ll probably always have schools, but learning and teaching can happened easily elsewhere too; one-dimensional assessment tools, like the standardized test, are slowly becoming obsolete.

The textbook too– as a relatively expensive and static, fixed object that remains unchanged for years at a time– is slowly giving way to wikis and collections of online materials. And the scholarly journal, with its equally static and expensive physical process, is step by step loosing ground to the open model, championed by people like Vitek Tracz. Resistance, as they say, is futile.