Labor Takes a Seat in the Classroom

The resources to teach students about America’s storied labor history are there. It’s up to educators to connect young people to a story that could have a lasting impact. “You want the people who read history, young people or people of any age, to recognize their own power and to recognize themselves in history,” says [Howard] Zinn. “After all, most of the people who are going to be reading and studying history are not going to be business executives. They are going to be working for a living.”

Labor Takes a Seat in the Classroom
By Adam Doster

When I taught in a ‘brick and mortar’ classroom I was alway searching for ways to teach my students to ‘see’ class. (I have included a few of these assignments in the ‘Teaching Materials’ section of this site.) I would get them to use the American Fact Finder, for example, to create an economic history of their families and the communities in which they lived.

I would also get them to interview their parents and grandparents about education and work. At least in the short term, I think many did start to see the patterns of class mobility and stasis over the course of the last twenty or thirty years. Almost every semester a student would tell me that he or she saw their family’s history in an entirely new light.

Introducing Labor history into the classroom is another, perhaps less individualistic, way to teach class awareness. Doster offers several other examples of how we can put labor back into circulation as an important part of our heritage. There’s now an “American Labor Merit Badge,” for example. The Boy Scouts have a wiki, MeritBadge.org, where you can find a description of the requirements.

Doster also mentions, “Hardball and Handshakes,” a set of classroom activities that explore the reasons behind unions in professional sports. That can be found on the American Labor Studies Center website, along with information about Women and Labor, and a special section on Cesar Chavez and the United Farm Workers. among other things. The ALSC is in Troy, New York.

Good News for Labor Unions

Anna Burger, chair of Change to Win, sees the labor movement in the happy if confusing position of picking among candidates who all see that “unions are the solution, not the problem.” Karen Ackerman, the political director of the AFL-CIO, sees labor’s opening as arising from “a new environment … coming off the Reagan years and the Bush years and a ‘you’re on your own’ trickle-down philosophy.”

Thus the paradox on Labor Day 2007: At a moment of organizational weakness, labor’s political influence and ideological appeal may be as strong as at any time since the New Deal. Every Democrat running for president seems to know this.

E.J. Dionne Jr.: A new dawn for labor

The EFCA [Employee Free Choice Act] would restore some meaning to the right to organize. The bill that has been passed by the House by is currently being blocked by a Republican filibuster in the Senate. While the EFCA is not likely to become law under this Congress (President Bush would almost certainly veto the bill even if it did pass), progressives should recognize the importance of legislation. The right to organize is not the concern of just a small special interest group; it is a basic right that should concern us all. In the same vein, all progressives have an interest in seeing a strong labor movement. For this reason, the EFCA and other measures that level the playing field between labor and management should be top items on the progressive agenda.

The Right to Unionize: Key to Democracy By Dean Baker

There’s always a gaggle of articles about unions just before, on, and then after Labor Day, for obvious reasons. So I have spent the last week reading some of them and I am happy to report that there may well be good news. Dionne makes the very good point that most new union members are in the public sector, which is for obvious reason tied closely to electoral politics.

In fact, while overall union membership has reached an all time low of just 7.4%, according to Baker, unionization in the public sector is up to 36%. Dionne makes the point that these public sector unions are well-organized and that they have so successfully made the case for reform that all of the current democratic candidates support legal changes (to one degree or another) that would make organizing easier.

Baker makes the case for the EFCA, for example, which would make it much easier to create unions. In fact, he estimates that if the polls are correct a simpler unionization process could quickly add more than 30 million union members. Baker also shows how so-called liberal trade drove primary manufacturing overseas, helping to undermine unions while creating a $700 billion trade deficit.

Baker also emphasizes that unionization is good for the economy as a whole. “In an industry with a strong union presence,” Baker writes, “non-union firms know they must maintain comparable wages and benefits if they are want to keep their workers from joining a union.” While it seems unlikely that the Bush administration would allow the EFCA into law, if the next administration is Democratic, which seems likely, it will be high on their agenda. Even before the elections, there are signs that labor unions’ long misfortunes are beginning to turn around.

Change to Win, for example, has been celebrating a recent Executive Order signed by Governor Eliot Spitzer of New York that will create a commission to try to address the “misclassification” of workers as independent contractors in order to avoid social security taxes and workers compensation insurance, among other things. It’s just a start, but maybe the wind is shifting in our favor.

Israel Lobby

In this paper, John J. Mearsheimer of the University of Chicago’s Department of Political Science and Stephen M.Walt of Harvard University’s Kennedy School of Government contend that the centerpiece of U.S. Middle East policy is its intimate relationship with Israel. The authors argue that although often justified as reflecting shared strategic interests or compelling moral imperatives, the U.S. commitment to Israel is due primarily to the activities of the “Israel Lobby.” This paper goes on to describe the various activities that pro-Israel groups have undertaken in order to shift U.S. foreign policy in a pro-Israel direction.

The Israel Lobby and U.S. Foreign Policy
By John J. Mearsheimer and Stephen Walt

One of the authors of this paper has acknowledged that “none of the evidence represents original documentation or is derived from independent interviews.” In light of the paper’s errors, and its admitted lack of originality, Dershowitz asks why these professors would have chosen to publish a paper that does not meet their usual scholarly standards, especially given the risk – that should have been obvious to “realists” – that recycling these charges under their imprimatur of prominent authors would be featured, as they have been, on extremist websites. Dershowitz questions the authors claims that people who support Israel do not want “an open debate on issues involving Israel.” He renews his challenge to debate the issues.

Debunking the Newest – and Oldest – Jewish Conspiracy: A Reply to the Mearsheimer-Walt “Working Paper”
by Alan Dershowitz, Harvard Law School

I was listening to a recent Fresh Air, in which the host, Terri Gross, interviewed first Stephen Walt and then Abraham Foxman, the national director of the Anti-Defamation League. Foxman was hopelessly inept. I think the reason is that his rhetorical tools are so blunt. He’s a practiced counter-puncher, but it was profoundly reflexive. He is seemingly so used to attacking antisemitism that he has not noticed that this is a very different sort of debate. Dershowitz’s rhetoric seems to share this same strategy.

I could not tell if he was simply attacking because that is what he always does or if he really believed that Mearsheimer and Walt’s argument about the “Israel lobby” is in fact a kind of Trojan Horse sneaking in some very old and ugly attitudes about Jews. After listening to Gross’s interview with Walt, it was hard to take any of either Dershowitz’s or Foxman’s contentions seriously. Walt carefully distinguishes between supporters of Israel, not all of whom are Jews, and the Jewish community, not all of whom support Israel to the same degree. Foxman thinks that distinction is in bad faith.

While noting that many prominent neo-conservatives are Jewish, Walt is careful to say that many are not and that it is not their ethnicity or religion that concerns him but their support of Israel. Foxman sees this as a meaningless distinction. Walt argues that many Americans have dual loyalties for a lot of reasons; we can even have dual citizenship. Foxman contends that this is a sneaky way to accuse Jews of disloyality, a classic antisemitic tactic. Ironically, both seemed to agree that more blatantly antisemitic writers have distorted Mearsheimer and Walt’s arguments.

Walt sounded fairly optimistic. It’s hard to debate these issues he says, and to call into question U.S. support of Israel and its central place in our Middle Eastern policy, but not impossible. They were able to publish first a long article and now a book. What I find most disturbing is that Foxman– and Dershowitz– ought to be helping to flesh out the debate over U.S. support of Israel. That’s not to minimize the fight against antisemitism, which is important. But I think they are fighting the wrong battle with Mearsheimer and Walt.